Forest Restitution and Resource Management in the Rhodope Mountains, Bulgaria

Forest Restitution and Resource Management in the Rhodope Mountains, Bulgaria

Preliminary Results

By the deadlines for filing forest restitution claims in 1999, private individuals filed more than 250,000 documented claims for about 300,000 hectares of Bulgarian forests and other lands within the forest fund. This works out to an average of slightly more than one hectare of forest per claim, although average claim size varies by region -- it is two to four times the national average in the Rhodope, for example -- and some private holdings are significantly larger than this average. Because these forests will in most cases be divided among one to three generations of heirs, some holdings will be quite fragmented, however. Beyond this, many forest observers suggest that management of holdings of less than 50 to 100 hectares according to the requirements of Bulgaria's new forest management law is not economically effective (i.e., it will cost more than it generates).

According to Bulgaria's forest restitution law, the ownership documents should have been distributed to successful claimants by June 30, 2000, although in many places this deadline was not met. In the case of the central Rhodope, for example, most of the documents were distributed by early 2001. As of January 2002 the restitution was largely complete, at least on paper; 574,434 hectares of forest had been restored nationwide with decisions on 290,773 claims, of which 320,988 hectares were returned to individuals (this reflects the overwhelming majority of the claims), 226,567 hectares to municipalities, and the remainder to legal persons such religious organizations, schools, and cooperatives. Many forests owners in my central Rhodope field sites received their forests in a form (as co-property or joint-property in named forest massifs -- something like shares in a piece of real estate) that essentially requires that they be managed jointly, although the form that management takes can vary. This management will take place on a geographic basis, with the minimum unit being the named chunk of forests of which certain people are jointly co-owners.

Formal organization for forest management is only possible after these forest ownership documents have been received, although community leaders and some larger forest owners had been discussing how forests might be managed following the restitution for a year or two before the documents were distributed (see  MPI Working Paper 13, 2000). These higher-level anticipatory discussions typically focused on some form of joint management, with consideration of issues such as the voting systems and startup capital requirements for the various organizational forms allowed under Bulgarian law. The people involved in these discussions also express concern that the future coops or other management organizations not sell raw timber, but rather processed lumber at a minimum and preferably finished products such as furniture. This is seen as providing higher dividends to the forest owners as well as much needed employment opportunities. Meanwhile, as of spring 2001, many other claimants seemed to have not given much thought to what they would do with their forests, although there is widespread general support in popular discourse for forestry cooperatives.

One reason for this support is clearly an economic or practical one: the claimants, some of them living outside the region, elderly, or both, do not see how they can manage the forests themselves.

(To some extent this is also related to the nature of the resource -- many other scholars of resource management and property regimes elsewhere in the world have described joint management of forests.) But their comments also suggest that historical memory plays an important role in the nostalgia for pre-socialist forestry cooperatives. What forest claimants -- or the parents or grandparents -- had owned most recently (in the 1920s to 1940s) were shares in pre-socialist private forestry cooperatives for which, perhaps most importantly, they received regular income. These coops were local social and economic institutions embedded in the rural communities. They are remembered as providing income for families or individuals and supporting valued community projects such as school construction and community electrification. For some, perhaps, there is also a sense that the pre-socialist coops were run in a transparent, lawful manner (e.g., 'American-style' timber auctions and careful accounting for cut trees) and that exploitation was controlled and rational for the long-term productivity and protection of the resource. Thus, the forestry cooperatives may be seen as particularly attractive when compared to perceptions of various unwelcome aspects of the postsocialist context -- particularly increasing economic inequality, widespread lawlessness, lack of attention to the long-term resource sustainability, and lack of transparency in doing business.

For all these reasons, it comes as no surprise that during the summer and fall of 2001, many of the new forest owners in the central Rhodope were busy creating forestry cooperatives and other organizations for the joint management of forests. Research in 2002 will further explore the development of these cooperatives as well as the management of those large chunks of forest that are being managed by individual extended families.

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